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Special Report, Health, Americas

Apptelkar 07 June

In addition to the cap on categories, there's also a rule that no country can exceed 7 percent of the total people emigrating to the U.S. OK, so forget about the family connection. What about a foreign national without relatives in the country, who wants to come here to take a job? While that's often a quicker route, in some cases, those immigrants have to wait for years, as well. Immigration for employment purposes is capped at a much lower level, just 140,000 people per year. But the number of available slots actually is less, because immigrants are allowed to bring spouses and minor children, and those both are counted against the 140,000 limit, according to Briesblatt. Additionally, not all workers are equal. There are different employment-based preference categories. The first preference, EB-1, AKA the "Einstein Visa," goes to people deemed to have extraordinary ability in various fields. There also are categories for people with advanced degrees, professionals and skilled workers, and another for investors willing to put up $1 million or more to underwrite a new business that would employ at least 10 full-time workers. To make things even more complicated, the 7 percent limit on immigration from a particular country still has to be factored in. As a result, some workers from China could face a projected wait of 11 years, while an immigrant from Vietnam in the same category might be eligible immediately for a Green Card. In a June 2017 Gallup poll, 38 percent of Americans said that immigration should be maintained at its present level, while 35 percent felt it should be decreased. Another 24 percent favored allowing more immigrants into the country.|Your browser does not support the element. In retrospect, its last gasp had come in August, when the KGB, hardline Communists and the army had placed Mr Gorbachev under house arrest and mounted a coup. After three days of peaceful resistance led by Boris Yeltsin, president of the Russian Soviet Republic, they backed down. That ruled out any return to a Soviet past. But Mr Gorbachev still clung to hopes for some sort of post-Soviet liberal successor as a way to hold at least some of the republics together. Mr Shushkevich’s call killed any such aspiration. One of its triggers was Russia’s economic collapse. As Yegor Gaidar, Yeltsin’s top economic reformer, was later to write, it was an autumn of “grim food lines… …women rushing around in search of some food, any food… ”. To successfully enact the sweeping reforms Mr Gaidar was designing, Yeltsin needed a Russia which controlled its own currency.

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